From Marco Polo Bridge to Pearl Harbor WHO WAS RESPONSIBLE?

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Why now is the time to revisit our series
on examining responsibility for the war

In 2005, The Yomiuri Shimbun established an in-house investigative panel — the War Responsibility Reexamination Committee — following a proposal made by Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of the board and editor-in-chief of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings.

The panel explored the Manchurian Incident and the subsequent expansion of conflict into the Sino-Japanese War that eventually led to the outbreak of the Pacific War, while it also reexamined the responsibility of the war era’s political and military leaders.

The findings of the reexamination were published, over a period of about one year, in the form of special feature articles in The Yomiuri Shimbun. The articles carried in the newspaper were compiled into a book, “Kensho: Senso Sekinin” (Examining war responsibility), published by Chuokoron-Shinsha, Inc. in 2006. Later, English and Chinese editions were also published.

We hope our making the book public once again on this website will help the public discussion on historical issues become deeper and more fruitful.

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Foreword

From the foreword by Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of the board and editor-in-chief of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings, of “From Marco Polo Bridge to Pearl Harbor: Who was Responsible?”published by The Yomiuri Shimbun in 2006, translated from the original Japanese book “Kensho: Senso Sekinin.”

  • 東京裁判の法廷

From Marco Polo Bridge to Pearl Harbor—The Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao) Incident, which was preceded by the Manchurian Incident of 1931, ultimately erupted into the 1937-45 Sino-Japanese War. A series of conflicting approaches to the war in China by Japan and the Western Powers emerged as one of the causes of the 1941-45 Pacific War, which began with Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor.

  • 靖国神社

 The Yomiuri Shimbun has published a pair of Japanese-language books and this English-language book featuring the findings of a 14-month study on the wars Japan fought for nearly 14 years. The research was undertaken by an in-house team, the Yomiuri Shimbun War Responsibility Reexamination Committee.

  • 日中戦争の上海市街戦
  • 連載「検証・戦争責任」の読売新聞紙面
  • 「検証・戦争責任」の単行本

 The books are based on a yearlong series of articles heralding the committee’s findings that appeared in the Yomiuri newspaper through August 15, 2006, the 61st anniversary of the end of World War II. Considering the Yomiuri Shimbun’s daily circulation of 10 million copies across Japan, I am sure the series was tremendously enlightening to many people.

  • 柳条湖事件を機に関東軍は奉天を占領した
  • 石原莞爾
  • 満州事変のきっかけとなった柳条湖事件の現場

 People with no experience of wartime now account for a majority of the Japanese population. As such, I believe it is the Yomiuri Shimbun’s obligation as the nation’s largest newspaper to tell the Japanese populace, “Who was responsible for starting the Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War, why they did so and why the nation kept fighting until many of its cities had been almost completely reduced to ashes.”

  • 空母を飛び立つ艦載機

 I, myself, was drafted as one of the Imperial Japanese Army’s last group of privates, the lowest rank in the military. Before being conscripted, I studied liberalism as a university student amidst the suppression by military police and thought police. I am now 80 years old and serve as Editor-in-Chief of the Yomiuri Shimbun. For some time, I had been thinking that we, the Japanese people, should delve into the circumstances surrounding those wars and clarify on our own just who should be held responsible. This is one reason why the Yomiuri Shimbun embarked on the task of looking into war responsibility.

  • 柳条湖事件の現場を調査するリットン調査団

 Following the end of World War II, the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, also known as the Tokyo Tribunal, tried a group of Japanese government and military leaders who had been charged as Class-A war criminals. Subsequently, seven of these leaders were executed by hanging, while 16 others were sentenced to life and two were given lesser prison terms.

  • ベルリンで調印された日独伊三国同盟

 The proceedings and verdicts handed down by the military tribunal were not without flaws. Unjustifiably heavy penalties were meted out to some defendants, while not a few people who should have been held accountable for appalling war crimes escaped prosecution.

  • 東京大空襲後の都内を視察する昭和天皇

 As a part of the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, Japan accepted the verdicts handed down at the Tokyo Tribunal and promised to carry out the sentences. This settled the matter under international law at that time. However, Japan signed the peace treaty in order to regain its independence as quickly as possible; therefore, no efforts were made in the name of Japan or its people to look into where responsibility for the war rested.

  • 横浜空襲で焼夷弾を落とすB29(東京大空襲・戦災資料センター提供)

 The Yushukan (war memorial museum), within the grounds of  Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, declares the vindication of the Class-A war criminals on the basis of its private management’s conviction that the wars were fought for self-preservation, self-defense and for the liberation of Asia from Western colonial rule. The particular problem with the shrine is its enshrinement of Class-A war criminals together with the souls of those many soldiers who sacrificed themselves in battle.

  • 真珠湾への攻撃を報じる1942年1月1日付の読売新聞

 Many Japanese continue to worship at Yasukuni Shrine. If things are left as they are, a skewed perception of history—without knowledge of the horrors of the war—will be handed down to future generations.

 Where does responsibility for the wars lie? The answer often has been ambiguous and blurred because of the particular nature of Japan’s past political system, which led to the wars.

  • 広島市に投下された原爆(1945年8月6日)

 In the military, field officers such as colonels often became more influential than even Emperor Showa, prime ministers, cabinet ministers, Army generals and Navy admirals in making decisions to go to and to escalate conflicts; they were responsible for many atrocities. In some cases they initiated major troop deployments without the consent of the Emperor, the Supreme Commander.

  • 東京裁判の被告席
  • 「玉音放送」で敗戦を知った国民(1945年8月15日、靖国神社で)
  • 岐阜県の航空機工場が爆破された瞬間(東京大空襲・戦災資料センター提供)

 A handful of generals and staff officers devised special suicide tactics (called kamikaze attacks in other countries) and gyokusaioperations in which every soldier or sailor involved sought to die in combat with no contemplation of surrender. As a result, staggering numbers of young intelligent people, most of whom had been mobilized straight from ­university study, were forced to sacrifice themselves in suicide attacks.

  • ソ連から帰国した抑留者

 Some military leaders did not treat their subordinates as humans. They abused their troops and regarded them as nothing but expendable weapons. Such inhuman deeds should have been strictly punished.

  • 東京大空襲で焦土と化した現在の江東区・墨田区周辺(東京大空襲・戦災資料センター提供)

 It should be noted that the Yomiuri Shimbun’s reexamination of where responsibility for the war sits was launched on its committee’s own initiative, and was not due to pressure from China and/or South Korea. The Yomiuri Shimbun’s efforts were based on its belief that there can be no genuinely honest and friendly dialogue with those countries which ­suffered considerable damage and casualties in the wars with Japan, without correctly understanding Japan’s past. To that end, we, the Japanese people, should follow our consciences in explaining on our own how ­barbaric the wars were and who should be held responsible.

  • 1945年8月15日付の読売新聞

 This approach is indispensable for Japan to forge friendship and peace with its neighbors in the future. We hope the findings of the Yomiuri Shimbun committee serve as a cue for others to examine and explore what kinds of miscalculation or blind belief could trigger wars elsewhere in the future.

 It goes without saying that we would be delighted if our efforts help facilitate a solution to the Yasukuni Shrine issue, which has jeopardized Japan’s diplomatic relations with China and South Korea, and has sharply divided public opinion in Japan.

Tsuneo Watanabe
Editor-in-Chief, The Yomiuri Shimbun

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